In Colombia, democracy once again revealed its harsher face: a vote decided by less than one percentage point, where every ballot seemed a grain of sand in a clock that stubbornly refused to strike the hour. Abelardo de la Espriella, an outsider of the right, was already prematurely celebrating his victory, while Iván Cepeda prepared challenges and the left clung to the idea that more precincts remained to be tallied. The country, as so often, found itself suspended in electoral limbo that is also a mirror of the region: the fragility of institutions, distrust in the counts, the certainty that nothing is entirely defined. But in this life, no deadline passes without fulfillment nor date that does not arrive: Abelardo de la Espriella, the “Colombian Milei,” is now the newly elected president.
Colombia chose, and it did so with noise. De la Espriella, a lawyer turned politician, rose to the presidency in a result that confirms the drift toward hard-right projects in the region. In that sense, the victory was not merely an electoral act: it was a symbolic gesture in a country that, after decades of violence and disillusionment, seeks order in the promise of a leader who presents himself as relentless. The triumph, already certified by the authorities, marks a shift that reverberates beyond Bogotá.
“De la Espriella, a lawyer turned politician, rose to the presidency in a result that confirms the drift toward hard-right projects in the region”
Latinoamérica, always attentive to its reflections, sees in Colombia a new chapter of the continental novel. The election adds to the sequence of conservative governments resurfacing in different countries, as if the region oscillated between the hope of social transformations and the fear of losing the little that has been won. Colombia becomes another laboratory —as Argentina under Milei is already— and a warning: what happens there does not stay there; it could spread even further in a region where Brazil and Mexico stand as exemplars of projects not aligned with the far right.
A typical photograph of the region. For weeks, Iván Cepeda lived in an uncertainty that his rival fed on. From the outset of the tally —weeks ago—, he denounced a series of irregularities and asked for the records to be reviewed. He also made strong claims and launched grave accusations, such as saying that the electoral process was being tainted by manipulation. His stance was nothing other than that of an opponent who never resigns: he summoned his followers and insisted on defending every vote; above all, he subscribed to the idea that democracy is defended with transparency and not with processes that leave more questions than answers. But when the result became official and confirmed Abelardo de la Espriella’s victory, Cepeda faced the classic dilemma of Latin American politics: to acknowledge defeat or to fuel suspicion.
What option did he choose? As is often the case in Latin America, his stance was ambiguous that, while respecting the final result, also emphasizes that “half of the population does not feel represented”. Nevertheless, to date he has not abandoned his conciliatory position: he spoke of waging democratic resistance, building a firm opposition, and not abandoning the fight against corruption and violence. In this way, Cepeda has accepted his defeat at the polls, but knowing that he has the other half, the other Colombia, he has embarked on a continuation of a narrative that refuses to die at the hands of a project that won by a handful of votes.
And the reactions after the confirmation of the electoral results? One of the first to congratulate the “Tiger” Abelardo de la Espriella was Javier Milei: he wrote “the lion and the tiger roar in Latin America”. In Mexico, for example, the demonstrations were divided: while opposition members (from the two main parties, the PAN and the PRI) congratulated the winner of the Colombian elections, arguing that “corrupt populism was defeated in Colombia, as it will be in Mexico”, in Claudia Sheinbaum’s circle the bet has been for caution. Sources close to the Mexican government told Agenda Pública that the arrival of a right-wing government in Colombia could cool the relations between the two countries.
The truth is that, today, Colombia has changed course. What will be the result of that decision? Only time will tell, but after these three weeks of political uncertainty in a process clouded by doubts, accusations, and partisan claims, it is only possible to warn that De la Espriella will not have it easy when trying to impose the hard line he has promised so much: half of the population preferred a completely different political path, and that, in Latin America, defines many things.
And Washington? The perspective beyond Latin America
The United States is a key element in this new regional photograph. As is often the case, there is an image (a gesture, a communication) that speaks louder than a thousand words: Marco Rubio, the U.S. Secretary of State, was already congratulating De la Espriella before his electoral victory was officially recognized. Therefore, this becomes another axis. Washington, as one would expect, celebrates the victory of an ally on security, drug trafficking, and migration. Why? Simply because Trump finds in De la Espriella a partner willing to align with his priorities and his rhetoric, one that is ready to open more doors for him in a region where he already strides as if it were his home, thanks to the gates of Buenos Aires and Caracas. In short, White House congratulations reach Bogotá because they know there they will have a safe port for the interests of the rest of the Trump era.
“White House congratulations reach Bogotá because they know there they will have a safe port for the interests of the rest of the Trump era”
Now, if history—especially Colombian history—has taught us anything, it is that alliances with the United States are never linear: far from a honeymoon, they tend to end in desolate nights where promises are often left in the air. What today is celebrated as closeness could tomorrow become a kind of problematic dependency —at best; and remember how the relationship with Washington evolved in the 1990s, when narco-violence intensified and spread to other parts of the region, such as Mexico. If the rigid order-and-strength approach (in the purest Bukelean style in El Salvador) won, it is because today Colombia does not live in an idyllic situation. The country faces a critical reality: its economy fell from 184th to 91st in the 2026 Economic Freedom Index; global competitiveness dropped to 59th (from 70th); and corruption (despite the National Anti-Corruption Strategy adopted in 2024) has been widely identified as the principal brake on development. Security concerns also remain alarmingly high: in the pre-electoral period, more than 3,100 violent incidents linked to criminal groups were recorded.
With these figures, the relationship with the United States comes under scrutiny. Because if there is one thing Washington has never liked (regardless of Trump) it is the smell of instability. That is to say, it should be noted that White House goodwill will arrive only once the hard policies of the new president yield some tangible results.
“White House congratulations reach Bogotá because they know there they will have a safe port for the interests of the rest of the Trump era”
For now, Trump, after his congratulations, spoke of “a powerful relationship”, and the Secretary of War, Pete Hegseth, urged strengthening bilateral cooperation on security. Marco Rubio, ever attentive to hemispheric politics, spoke of joint action on key issues such as security and migration. Moreover, U.S. Congresswoman María Elvira Salazar described De la Espriella as a pro-market partner, though warned that excessive dependence on Washington could become problematic.
And yet, regardless of the outcomes, this election day demonstrated that in Colombia two irreconcilable projects already coexist. There, in the country that will be built on the result of this election, the present and the future are marked by a deep political, economic, and social fracture that was born decades ago, in a past so violent that today’s generations have still not been able to forget it.
