The call for general elections in Spain now dominates the country’s political, media, and social debate. It will do so until November 29 and likely in the months that follow as well. It cannot be any other way. At the same time, European-level debate is moving at a rapid pace, while the national discourse spirals in a centripetal logic that keeps narrowing the topics open for discussion. Thus a trend of disconnection between the issues that shape the debate in the European Union and those that form the backbone of Spanish politics becomes more entrenched.
It is illusory to expect that the candidates for prime minister will engage in in-depth discussions about European issues. It would be so because the electorate itself does not hold clear opinions about the European Union and because domestic politics is detaching, albeit slowly, from the absolute consensus on European matters that has underpinned the state’s EU policy for forty years. Yet the main EU matters carry increasing weight in domestic policy. At the same time, leaders enjoy growing power within the European Council, so it would be at least prudent for voters to know their positions on key debates.
Multiannual Financial Framework
As Spanish citizens weigh who to vote for, the European Union enters the critical negotiation phase for the next Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF), the bloc’s budget covering the 2028-2034 period. The objective is to secure an agreement at the level of European leaders before the end of the year, precisely with the hope that the 2027 electoral cycle—now no longer including Spanish elections, but still featuring the French presidential vote and the parliamentary elections in Poland and Italy—will not interfere with its implementation.
“Es ilusorio pedir que los candidatos a presidente del Gobierno debatan a fondo sobre temas europeos”
We are talking about hundreds of billions of euros at stake in EU funds. Spain could once again become a net contributor to the next framework, with all that implies. The proposal tabled by the European Commission is set to suffer substantial cuts in the coming months. What is the stance of each party? How should one address a possible cut to the Common Agricultural Policy? Which lines should be reduced so that the adjustments do not hit Spain’s key allocations? Which new own resources—in other words, pan-European taxes—would the different formations support?
China and Trade
The European Union is tightening its stance on China’s trade practices and the geostrategic risks that Beijing poses on the continent. We know the position of the current government on the issue: it seeks to attract Chinese investment by tying it to conditions while presenting itself in Brussels as a defender of dialogue with the Asian giant, and Spain has shown itself to be one of the EU’s most alert governments against a potential trade war with China. What do the other formations think? Do they believe Chinese exports threaten European industry? Are they willing to take trade-protection measures even if they risk provoking a trade war with Beijing?
“El español ha demostrado ser uno de los Ejecutivos europeos más alerta ante una posible guerra comercial con China”
In the realm of economic security, once again, the PSOE and Sumar governments have dragged their feet in the face of the growing European consensus, especially regarding risk operators, such as Huawei. In June, the government launched a tender to manage and store the data of the Social Security Treasury that keeps the equipment of the Chinese tech company. There is a widespread belief that the stance will not change substantially with a different government, as illustrated by the interest of Alfonso Rueda’s Galicia administration (PP) in consolidating SAIC Motor’s investment in a factory at the Ferrol port.
Relation with the United States and Defense
An issue that has consumed a tremendous amount of political capital in Europe in recent years has been the relationship with the United States under Donald Trump. Both within NATO and in the European Union. The government’s position is well known, particularly with regard to the Atlantic Alliance and its refusal to raise defense spending to 5% of GDP as leaders agreed in The Hague in 2025. Alberto Núñez Feijóo, leader of the PP, pledged at the time to meet that milestone if he became prime minister, but there are few other details. If the aim is to respect that objective, how will it be implemented at the budgetary level? If the government’s current line is pursued, how can one avoid being constantly criticized by the White House and prevent reputational damage within the Alliance?
Beyond that objective, what does each formation think about purchasing arms from the United States? Do they believe priority should be given to European weapons manufacturers even if that stirs tension with Washington? In general, do they consider maintaining the transatlantic relationship to be more important than pursuing European strategic autonomy in a scenario where the White House maintains a hostile stance toward initiatives aimed at greater European independence from the U.S., in matters such as payment infrastructures?
Expansion and Ukraine
What do Spanish political parties think about EU enlargement? If elections are not called sooner, the next general elections would take place at the end of 2030. By then, it is most likely that the enlargement domino will have started, and the bloc will have gained at least one member, possibly two, with Montenegro and Albania as the two favourites to join the bloc first. Are they in favor—even if it has a significant economic impact on Spain’s contributions to the EU budget?
“¿Creen que debería darse prioridad a fabricantes de armamento europeo incluso si eso genera tensión con Washington?”
Here the elephant in the room is, obviously, Ukraine. It is the largest applicant country, and its entry would completely transform the EU as we know it. Beyond the usual nominal support for Kyiv, what sacrifices would each formation be prepared to make in terms of Spain’s role in the MFF to accommodate Ukraine? What position does each party take on sending arms to the Ukrainian army? If a peace agreement is reached, what stance would each leader take regarding Spain’s participation in a Coalition of Volunteers with troops on the ground?
Some of these questions will shape the coming decades of EU policy. In a world that is increasingly complex and aggressive, in which Spain’s sovereignty will depend more and more on European action, citizens should know what answers their political leaders give to these questions.
