Andy Burnham’s first Labour conference speech as British prime minister, delivered on Tuesday, could prove a defining moment. It was a sweeping and emotionally charged attempt to change the direction of a UK that has lacked a clear sense of purpose for years, as well as that of his government, which until recently appeared destined to lose out to the right-wing nationalist Reform UK.
Burnham’s speech combined an ambitious domestic policy agenda, a clear break from the cautious pragmatism of his predecessor, Keir Starmer, and a willingness to reopen questions that Labour had long treated as politically untouchable.
“Burnham’s speech combined an ambitious domestic policy agenda, a clear break from the cautious pragmatism of his predecessor, Keir Starmer”
However, it also exposed the fiscal, political and electoral constraints Burnham faces, as well as the absence of a detailed strategy for restoring growth in an economy still struggling with weak productivity and tight public finances.
Social care, pensions, electoral reform and Europe
Burnham used the speech to set out a series of reforms that mark a significant shift from Labour’s recent positioning. The most ambitious is the creation of a National Care Service. It would be universal, free at the point of use and inspired by the principles of the National Health Service (NHS). Its purpose is straightforward: to prevent the cost of long-term care from forcing families to sell their homes or exhaust their savings. Burnham linked the proposal directly to his own experience: his grandmother’s house had to be sold to pay for her care.
Funding a system on this scale will be a major challenge. Burnham confirmed that Labour will scrap the current pensions “triple lock” from 2030. Introduced in 2011, the rule increases the UK state pension each year by whichever is highest: inflation, average earnings growth or 2.5%. Burnham plans to replace it with a “double lock”, under which pensions would rise in line with inflation or 2.5%, while earnings growth would only apply when the pension falls below 30% of average earnings.
Official estimates suggest the change could save around £15 billion a year by 2040. Independent analysis, however, suggests this would not be enough to fund a universal care system, potentially forcing Labour to go into the next election promising tax rises. Burnham also argued that a better-functioning care system would reduce pressure on the NHS and free up resources over time, although several think tanks have warned against assuming those savings would be substantial.
“Independent analysis, however, suggests this would not be enough to fund a universal care system, potentially forcing Labour to go into the next election promising tax rises”
The British prime minister also confirmed that electoral reform will be included in Labour’s next manifesto. He announced a cross-party national commission to consider alternatives to the UK’s current first-past-the-post system. Burnham argued that governments elected with less than 30% of the vote lack democratic legitimacy. Officials later clarified that he does not support a purely proportional system and intends to preserve the link between MPs and their constituencies.
On Europe, Burnham went further than any Labour leader since the Brexit referendum. He said bluntly that “Brexit has done more harm than good”, pointing to its negative impact on economic growth and the failure to deliver the promised control over immigration.
Burnham pledged to use the upcoming EU-UK summit to “set out the different options” for Britain’s long-term relationship with Europe. These include arrangements similar to those of Norway, Switzerland or Canada, as well as joining the customs union, the single market or even fully reversing Brexit. The approach marks a clear break with Starmer’s red lines, although Burnham gave little indication of which option he prefers or how he intends to build a political consensus around it.
“Burnham pledged to use the upcoming EU-UK summit to “set out the different options” for Britain’s long-term relationship with Europe”
Beyond these major reforms, Burnham promised new powers for councils to compel landlords to improve poor-quality homes, to reverse Margaret Thatcher’s 1989 privatisation of the water companies and to introduce measures to support first-time buyers. Taken together, the commitments point to a broader effort to expand the role of the state in housing, public services and social infrastructure.
Emotion, ideology and national unity
The style of the speech was even more striking than its policy content. In a way that is unusual in British politics, Burnham delivered a deeply personal and emotional address. He paused several times while speaking about the recent death of his father, who had dementia, and the care workers who looked after him.
He also drew on memories of his childhood and family history to explain the roots of his political beliefs, establishing a direct link between personal experience and public policy. This degree of emotional openness, still rare in British political speeches, also marks a clear departure from Starmer’s dry and technocratic style.
The prime minister also framed his programme in ideological terms. He spoke of breaking with “the flawed ideas of the last 40 years”, criticised privatisation for stripping the country of part of its “common wealth” and drew a clear dividing line with the right over public ownership. He nevertheless avoided direct attacks on his opponents, choosing instead to set out a broader political and moral vision.
There was also room for several references to national unity. Burnham presented his programme as one capable of “holding the country together” and allowing “us to rise again”, in response to nationalist pressures in Scotland and Wales.
“This degree of emotional openness, still rare in British political speeches, also marks a clear departure from Starmer’s dry and technocratic style”
The prime minister also stressed the need to take political risks. He acknowledged that many of his reforms would be difficult and that he “may pay a political price” for them, but insisted that someone had to “rip the plaster off”. This willingness to accept political costs contrasts with Starmer’s more cautious incrementalism.
The missing growth strategy
For all its ambition, the speech left a significant gap: the former mayor of Greater Manchester did not set out a detailed plan for how his government intends to revive economic growth, innovation and productivity. He described Brexit as a “handbrake on growth” and argued that redefining the UK’s relationship with Europe is essential to long-term prosperity. But he offered no immediate strategy for creating greater fiscal room at a time of rising borrowing costs and tight public finances.
“But he offered no immediate strategy for creating greater fiscal room at a time of rising borrowing costs and tight public finances”
The National Care Service, electoral reform and the measures on water are structural reforms, but none of them is designed primarily to drive growth. It is true that changing the pensions triple lock would free up resources, but it would not broaden the tax base. Burnham promised to ease the pressure of the cost of living but did not explain where the investment needed to sustain his long-term ambitions would come from.
Cabinet ministers have already warned that “people need to start feeling actual benefits next year” and that public impatience may grow faster than the government’s ability to deliver. The tension between far-reaching long-term reforms and the absence of a short-term growth strategy is likely to become one of the central challenges of Burnham’s premiership.
A recovery, but still a precarious one
Since Burnham became prime minister in July, Labour has recovered support and the British public has responded fairly positively to his different style of leadership and to the ideas he has gradually introduced into the political debate.
The latest More in Common projection shows that, at the end of Starmer’s premiership, Labour was on course to win just 110 seats. Under Burnham, that figure has risen to 250, which would make Labour the largest party in Parliament, although still 76 seats short of a majority. Reform UK has fallen sharply from its summer peak, dropping from a projected 293 seats in July to 147. The Conservatives, meanwhile, have stabilised at 125.
The electoral map remains highly fragmented. Nearly half of all constituencies would be decided by fewer than five percentage points, meaning that relatively small shifts in support could significantly alter the balance of power. The projected vote share puts Labour on 26%, with Reform UK and the Conservatives both on 24%. The latest polling also suggests that support for the governing party has become less concentrated in London since Burnham entered Downing Street, with gains in the North East, North West and Wales.
“Nearly half of all constituencies would be decided by fewer than five percentage points, meaning that relatively small shifts in support could significantly alter the balance of power”
Burnham has stabilised Labour and returned it to first place in the projections, but the electoral landscape remains highly volatile. His decision to rule out an early election reflects those risks, as well as a sense that he needs more time to convince the British public of the far-reaching changes he has begun to set out.
